How the CFR taught me not to worry and love the bomb
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dr Klaus Schwab or:
How the CFR Taught Me to Stop Worrying and Love the Bomb
by Johnny Vedmore [March 10, 2022] johnnyvedmore@gmail.com


A free translation of :One., from the Freedom Forge. Volunteer for the :One. and for every living-feeling-thinking fellow with honor and conscience and sincerity.
dr Klaus Schwab or
How the CFR taught me not to worry and love the bomb
The World Economic Forum was not simply Klaus Schwab's brainchild, but grew out of a CIA-funded Harvard program led by Henry Kissinger and co-authored by John Kenneth Galbraith and the "real" Dr. Strangelove, Herman Kahn. This is the amazing story of the real men who recruited Klaus Schwab, helped him found the World Economic Forum, and taught him not to worry and love the bombshell.

The recorded history of the World Economic Forum is intended to make it appear that the organization is a purely European creation, but that is not the case. In fact, Klaus Schwab had an elite American political team working in secret that assisted him in founding the Europe-based globalist organization. Anyone who is somewhat familiar with the history of Klaus Schwab knows that he studied at Harvard in the 1960s and met the then Professor Henry A. Kissinger there, with whom Schwab formed a lifelong friendship. But as with most information from the World Economic Forum history books, what you have been told is not the whole story. In fact, Kissinger recruited Schwab as part of the Harvard International Seminar sponsored by the US Central Intelligence Agency. Though this funding was uncovered the year Klaus Schwab left Harvard, the connection has largely gone unnoticed — until now.


My research has shown that the World Economic Forum is not a European creation. In reality, it is rather an operation emanating from the political grandees of the Kennedy, Johnson and Nixon eras of American politics, all of whom had ties to the Council on Foreign Relations and the associated "Round Table" movement, although the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) played a supporting role.

It was three extremely powerful and influential men, including Kissinger, who would lead Klaus Schwab to her ultimate goal of complete, empire-centered American domination of the world over the shaping of social and economic policies. Additionally, two of these men were instrumental in creating the ever-present threat of global thermonuclear war. By examining these men in the broader context of the geopolitics of the time, I will show how their paths crossed and grew together in the 1960s, how they recruited Klaus Schwab through a CIA-funded program, and how they became the true driving force behind the founding of the World Economic Forum.

Henry A Kissinger

Heinz Alfred Kissinger was born on May 27, 1923 in Bavaria, Germany to Paula and Louis Kissinger. The family was one of many Jewish families who fled persecution in Germany and came to America in 1938. Kissinger changed his first name to Henry at the age of 15 when he arrived in America via a brief emigration to London. His family initially settled in Upper Manhattan and young Henry Kissinger attended George Washington High School. In 1942 Kissinger enrolled at the City College of New York but was drafted into the US Army in early 1943. On June 19, 1943, Kissinger was naturalized as a US citizen. He was soon assigned to the 84th Infantry Division, where he received the legendary Fritz Kramer was recruited to work in the division's military intelligence unit. Kraemer fought alongside Kissinger during the Battle of the Bulge and later became extremely influential in American politics in the post-war period, influencing future politicians such as Donald Rumsfeld. Henry Kissinger described Kraemer in a New Yorker article entitled The Myth of Henry Kissinger of 2020 as "the single greatest influence on my formative years." The author of this article, Thomas Meaney, describes Kraemer as:


A Nietzschean hothead to the point of self-parody - he wore a monocle on his good eye so his weak eye could work better - Kraemer claimed to have spent the late Weimar years stalking both Communist and Nazi brownshirts on the streets fight. He had doctorates in political science and international law and pursued a promising career with the League of Nations before fleeing to the United States in 1939. He warned Kissinger not to emulate the “smart” intellectuals and their bloodless cost-benefit analyses. Convinced that Kissinger was "musically attuned to the story," he told him, "It's only when you're not 'arithmetic' that you're really going to have the freedom that separates you from the little people."


During World War II, Kissinger served in the US Counter-Intelligence Corps, was promoted to sergeant, and served in the military intelligence reserve for many years after peace was made. During this time, Kissinger led a team that hunted down Gestapo officers and other Nazi officials who had been classified as "saboteurs." After the war in 1946, Kissinger was again posted to teach at the European Command Intelligence School, a position he continued to hold after officially retiring from the Army as a civilian.

In 1950, Kissinger closed his Graduated from Harvard, where he studied political science with William Yandell Elliott studied, who was later a political adviser to six US Presidents and also served as a mentor to Zbigniew Brzezinski and Pierre Trudeau, among others. Yandell Elliott and many of his star disciples became the key link between the American national security establishment and the British "Round Table" movement, typified by organizations such as Chatham House in the UK and the Council on Foreign Relations in the US . They would also seek to impose global power structures shared by big business, the political elite and academia. Kissinger continued his studies at Harvard, where he earned his master's and doctorate degrees. But he was already trying to pursue a career in intelligence and is reportedly said to be dead during this time as an FBI spy to have been recruited.

In 1951, Kissinger was hired as a consultant for the Army's Operations Research Office, where he trained in various forms of psychological warfare. This awareness of Psyops was also reflected in his doctoral work during this period. In his work on the Congress of Vienna and its aftermath, he initially resorted to thermonuclear weapons, which made an otherwise rather dull work a little more interesting. In 1954, Kissinger hoped to become an associate professor at Harvard, but instead, then-Harvard Dean McGeorge Bundy—also a student of William Yandell Elliott—recommended Kissinger to the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR). At the CFR, Kissinger began leading a study group on nuclear weapons. Kissinger also became Director of Special Studies for the Rockefeller Brothers Fund from 1956 to 1958 (David Rockefeller was Vice President of the CFR during this period) and chaired several panels that produced national defense reports that attracted international attention. In 1957, Kissinger sealed his place as the establishment's leading figure on thermonuclear warfare with the publication of Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy, a book commissioned by Harper & Brothers for the Council on Foreign Relations.

In December 1966, Assistant Secretary of State for European Affairs John M. Leddy announced the formation of a 22-member advisory body to help "shape European policy." Among the five most prominent members of this advisory board were: Henry A. Kissinger representing Harvard, Robert Osgood of the Washington Center for Foreign Policy Research (funded by funds from Ford, Rockefeller and Carnegie), Melvin Conant of Rockefeller's Standard Oil, Warner R. Schilling from Columbia University and Raymond Vernon, also from Harvard. Other members of the panel included four members of the Council on Foreign Relations, Shepard Stone of the Ford Foundation, and the rest were representatives from leading American universities. The formation of this body could be seen as the proverbial groundbreaking ceremony marking the intention of the American branch of the Round Table establishment to create an organization like the World Economic Forum in which Anglo-American imperialists shape European policy as they see fit would.

Post-war Europe was at a pivotal point in its development, and the powerful American empire was beginning to see opportunity in the rebirth of Europe and the emerging identity of its young generation. At the end of December 1966, Kissinger was among the twenty-nine”American authorities for Germany” who signed a statement saying that “the recent state elections in West Germany do not indicate a rebirth of Nazism”. The document, which was also signed by Dwight Eisenhower, was intended to signal that Europe was making a fresh start and that the horrors of European wars should be a thing of the past. Some of the people involved in drafting the above document had already influenced European politics from the outside. Kissinger and Eisenhower were also among the signatories Prof. Hans J. Morgenthau, who also represented the Council on Foreign Relations at the time. Morgenthau had a famous paper entitled Scientific Man versus Power Politics in which he spoke out against "over-reliance on science and technology as solutions to political and social problems".

In February 1967, Henry Kissinger targeted European politics as the cause of a century of wars and political unrest on the continent. In an article entitled Fuller Investigation, reprinted in the New York Times, Kissinger stated that a work by Raymond Aron, Peace and War. A Theory of International Relations fixed some of these problems.
In that article, Kissinger wrote:

“In the United States, the national style is pragmatic; the tradition up until World War II was largely isolationist; the approach to peace and war tended to be absolute and legalistic. American foreign policy writing generally falls into three categories: analyzes of specific cases or historical episodes, admonitions justifying or disapproving greater involvement in international affairs, and investigations into the legal foundations of the world order.

It was clear that Prof. Henry A. Kissinger saw American involvement in European policy-making as crucial to future world peace and stability. At the time, Kissinger was at Harvard University in Cambridge, Massachusetts. It was here that the young Klaus Schwab, the future founder of the World Economic Forum, caught the eye of Henry A. Kissinger.
Kissinger was the executive director of the International Seminary, which Schwab often mentions when recalling his days at Harvard. On April 16, 1967, it was revealed that various Harvard programs had been funded by the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). This included $135.000 for Henry Kissinger's International Seminar, funding Kissinger claimed he was unaware of came from US intelligence. The CIA's involvement in funding Kissinger's international seminar was exposed in a report by Humphrey Doermann, assistant to Franklin L. Ford, who was dean of the Faculty of Arts and Sciences. Humphrey Doermann's report, written in 1967, referred only to CIA funding between 1961 and 1966, but Kissinger's international seminar, which had received the most funding of any CIA-funded Harvard program, would run until 1967. Klaus Schwab came to Harvard in 1965.
On April 15, 1967, The Harvard Crimson published an uncredited article about Doermann's report, stating, "The aid was unconditional, so the government could not directly influence the research or prevent the publication of its results." The condescending article entitled CIA Financial Links concludes nonchalantly by stating, "Should the university refuse to accept CIA research funding, the shadowy agency would have little trouble channeling its offers through some other (secret) arrangement."

The evidence suggests that Klaus Schwab was recruited by Kissinger into his circle of Round Table imperialists through a CIA-funded program at Harvard University. (Note: round table, there was something with the Lateral thinkers around Michael Ballweg??) The year he graduated was also the year it turned out to be a CIA-funded program. This CIA-funded seminar introduced Schwab to the extremely well-connected American politicians who would help him found Europe's most powerful public policy institute, the World Economic Forum.

In 1969, Kissinger became head of the US National Security Council, appointed by incumbent President Richard Nixon during his administration.upgrade" would. Kissinger was Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs from December 2, 1968 to November 3, 1975 and also served as Richard Nixon's Secretary of State from September 22, 1973. Kissinger was to dominate US foreign policy-making during the Nixon era, and the system he brought to the National Security Council would attempt to combine features of those previously instituted by Eisenhower and Johnson.
Henry Kissinger, who had been at the forefront of tensions between the thermonuclear powers for the previous two decades, was now to emerge as a "peacemaker" in the Nixon era. He focused on the European stalemate and tried to ease tensions between the West and Russia. He negotiated the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (culminating in the SALT I treaty) and the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty. Kissinger attempted to re-establish himself as a trusted statesman and diplomat.

During President Richard Nixon's second term in office, attention turned to relations with Western Europe. Richard Nixon referred to 1973 as the “year of Europe“. The United States would focus on the States of the European Economic Community (EEC) to support what had become economic rivals to the United States by the early 1970s. Kissinger took up the concept of the "European Year" and campaigned not only for economic reforms but also for the strengthening and revitalization of what he believed to be "decaying power’, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). During this time, Kissinger also championed global governance.
Years later, Henry Kissinger delivered the opening remarks at the 1980 World Economic Forum conference, explaining the Elites in Davos: “For the first time in history, foreign policy is truly global”.

John K Galbraith

John Kenneth Galbraith (often referred to as Ken Galbraith) was a Canadian-American economist, diplomat, politician, and Harvard intellectual. His impact on American history is extraordinary, and the consequences of his actions in the late 1960s alone are still being felt around the world today. In September 1934 Galbraith entered the university as a lecturer with an annual salary of $2.400 Harvard University faculty a. In 1935 he became a tutor in the John Winthrop House (commonly known as Winthrop House), one of Harvard University's twelve dormitories. That same year, one of his first students was Joseph P. Kennedy Jr., and two years later, in 1937, he was joined by John F. Kennedy. Soon after, on September 14, 1937, Canadian Galbraith was naturalized as a U.S. citizen. Three days later he married his partner Catherine Merriam Atwater, a woman who had studied at the University of Munich a few years earlier. There she had lived in the same dorm as Unity Mitford, whose boyfriend was Adolf Hitler. After her marriage, Galbraith undertook extensive travels through Eastern Europe, Scandinavia, Italy, France, but also Germany. Galbraith was to spend a year as a research fellow at Cambridge University with the famous economist John Maynard Keynes spend, but after his sudden heart attack, his new wife persuaded him to study in Germany instead. In the summer of 1938, Galbraith studied German land policy under Hitler's government.

The following year Galbraith was incorporated into what was known as “Walsh-Sweezy Affair” involved a national scandal in the US involving two radical professors who had been fired from Harvard. Galbraith's connections to this affair resulted in his tenure at Harvard not being renewed.

Galbraith accepted the demotion to work at Princeton, where he was soon invited by the National Resource Planning Board accepted to participate in a review of the New Deal's spending and employment programs. It was on this project that he first met Franklin D. Roosevelt. In 1940, when France fell to the Nazis, at the request of Roosevelt's economic adviser Lauchlin Curry, Galbraith became a member of the National Defense Advisory Committee. Although this committee was quickly disbanded, Galbraith was soon thereafter incorporated into the Office of Price Administration (OPA) where he headed the department responsible for price control. On May 31, 1943 he was released from the OPA. Fortune Magazine had been trying to poach Galbraith since 1941 and soon brought him on to its editorial board as a writer.

The biggest shift in focus for Galbraith occurred in 1945, the day after Roosevelt died. Galbraith left New York for Washington, where he was sent to London to head the department United States Strategic Bombing Survey tasked with assessing the macroeconomic impact of the wartime bombing. By the time he arrived in Flensburg, Germany had officially surrendered to the Allies and Galbraith's original mission was about to change. He was now to accompany George Ball and take part in Albert Speer's interrogation. In one fell swoop, Galbraith went from being a political adviser dealing with pricing statistics and forecasting to an overheard witness for a high-ranking Nazi war criminal. Speer had held various important positions during the war, including as Reich Minister for Armaments and War Production, one of the main people responsible for the organization, maintenance and arming of all parts of the Nazi Wehrmacht.

Soon after, Galbraith was dispatched to Hiroshima and Nagasaki to assess the impact of the bombing. In January 1946, John Kenneth Galbraith was involved in one of the pivotal moments in American economic history. He attended the American Economic Association meeting in Cleveland, where he met Edward Chamberlin from Harvard and Clarence Ayres from Texas Frank Knight and other leading representatives of classical economics. This event marked the breakthrough of Keynesian economics, which was to dominate post-war America.

In February 1946, Galbraith returned to Washington, where he was appointed director of the Office of Economic Security Policy. It was here that Galbraith began drafting a Speech for Secretary of State William Byrnes commissioned to outline American policy toward German reconstruction, democratization, and eventual admission to the United Nations. Galbraith, who opposed the group of politicians then known as "Cold Warriors” resigned from his post in October 1946 and returned to Fortune Magazine. That same year he was awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom. In 1947 Galbraith co-founded the organization Americans for Democratic Action, which included Eleanor Roosevelt, Arthur Schlesinger Jr., and Ronald Reagan, among others. In 1948, Galbraith returned to Harvard as an associate professor of agriculture, forestry and land use policy. Soon after, he was appointed professor at Harvard.
In 1957, Galbraith began to develop a closer relationship with his former student, John F. Kennedy, who was then a junior senator from Massachusetts. The following year, JFK publicly proclaimed Galbraith the “Phileas Fogg of academia” after receiving a copy of Galbraith's book A Journey to Poland and Yugoslavia, in which he took an up-close look at socialist planning. Also in 1958, Galbraith published the critically acclaimed book The Affluent Society, in which he coined terms such as "conventional wisdom" and the "dependency effect." Around this time, Galbraith was appointed to the Paul M. Warburg Chair in Economics at Harvard. In this position he met the young Klaus Schwab for the first time.
In 1960, John Kenneth Galbraith became the economic adviser for the Kennedy campaign.

After Kennedy was elected President, Galbraith began supporting the new administration and was famously the man who Robert S McNamara for Secretary of Defense. In 1961, Kennedy appointed Galbraith Ambassador to India, and later in the year, at the President's behest, Galbraith traveled to Vietnam for a second opinion Taylor Rostov Report to deliver. On Galbraith's advice, Kennedy began withdrawing his troops from Vietnam.

In 1963, Galbraith returned to the United States and turned down an offer from Kennedy to be ambassador to Moscow in order to return to Harvard. On the day of Kennedy's assassination, Galbraith was in New York with Washington Post editor Katharine Graham. Galbraith went straight to Washington and was the one who wrote the original version of the new President's speech to the joint session of Congress. The year after JFK's assassination, Galbraith returned to Harvard and developed a famous and very popular social science course that he would teach for the next decade. He retained his position as an advisor to President Johnson, but spent the remainder of the year writing his final academic journals entirely in the field of economics.

By 1965, Galbraith had become increasingly vocal in his opposition to the war in Vietnam, writing speeches and letters to the President. This dichotomy between Galbraith and Johnson would continue until Galbraith eventually chaired Americans for Democratic Action and launched a nationwide campaign against the Vietnam War entitled “Negotiations Now!” started. In 1967, the rift between Galbraith and Johnson was to widen when Galbraith persuaded Senator Eugene McCarthy to run against Johnson in the upcoming primary. Robert F. Kennedy also hoped to recruit Galbraith for his own campaign, but although Galbraith had developed a close relationship with the late JFK, he had not been as taken with Robert F. Kennedy's distinctive style.
In the late 1960s, John K. Galbraith and Henry A. Kissinger were considered two of America's leading teachers, authors, and educators. They were also both grandees at Harvard, Galbraith as Paul M. Warburg Professor of Economics and Kissinger as Professor of Government, and the two men focused on shaping foreign policy for both America and the emerging new Europe. On March 20, 1968, it was announced that Kissinger and Galbraith would be the first speakers at the spring session of the so-called "Mandeville Lectures Series” to be held at the University of California, San Diego. Galbraith's speech was titled "Foreign Policy: The Cold Dissent," while Kissinger's speech was titled "America and Europe: A New Relationship."

Kissinger introduced Klaus Schwab to John Kenneth Galbraith at Harvard, and as the 1960s drew to a close, Galbraith helped Schwab start the World Economic Forum. Galbraith flew to Europe with Herman Kahn to help Schwab convince the European elite of the project. The first European Management Symposium/Forum (the original name of the WEF) was scheduled to feature John Kenneth Galbraith as the keynote speaker.

Herman Kahn

Herman Kahn was born on February 15, 1922 in Bayonne, New Jersey to Yetta and Abraham Kahn. He was raised in the Bronx with a Jewish upbringing but later converted to atheism. During the 1950s, at the Hudson Institute, Khan authored various reports on the concept and practicality of nuclear deterrence, which would later become official military policy. He also wrote reports for official hearings, e.g. B. for the Subcommittee on Radiation. In the initial hysteria of the early years of the Cold War, Kahn was given the intellectual - and some would say ethical and moral - freedom to "think the unthinkable." Kahn applied game theory - the study of mathematical models of strategic interactions between rational actors - to play out possible scenarios and outcomes of a thermonuclear war.
In 1960, Kahn published The Nature and Feasibility of War and Deterrence, in which he examined the risks and implications of thermonuclear war. The Rand Corporation summarizes the types of deterrence discussed in Kahn's work as follows: deterring a direct attack, using strategic threats to deter an enemy from highly provocative acts that do not constitute a direct attack on the United States, and finally acts that be deterred because the would-be attacker fears that the defender or others will take limited action, military or non-military, to render the aggression unprofitable.

Khan's complex theories have often been misrepresented and most of his work cannot be summed up in a sentence or two, as can his ideas on thermonuclear warfare. Kahn's research team examined a variety of different scenarios, an ever-evolving, dynamic, multipolar world and many unknowns.

The following year, Princeton University Press first published Herman Kahn's seminal work On Thermonuclear War. This book was to have tremendous implications for the near and distant future of world politics, and propel American establishment politicians to develop a foreign policy specifically designed to counter the possible worst-case scenario of thermonuclear war. On the occasion of the publication of Khan's chilling work, Israeli-American sociologist and "communitarian" Amitai Etzioni was quoted as saying: "Kahn is doing for nuclear weapons what the advocates of free love did for sex: He is open about actions, about that others whisper behind closed doors”.

Herman Kahn (left) with Gerald Ford and Donald Rumsfeld

On Thermonuclear War had an immediate and lasting impact, not only on geopolitics but also on culture, which within a few years was reflected in a very famous film. In 1964, the Stanley Kubrick classic Dr. Strangelove hit theaters and since the film's release, Khan has been portrayed as the real Dr. Strangely labeled. Asked about the comparison, Khan told Newsweek: "Kubrick is a friend of mine. He told me that dr. Strangelove isn't meant to be me." Others pointed out the many similarities between Stanley Kubrick's classic character and the real Herman Kahn.
In an essay entitled Our Alternatives in Europe, written for the Council on Foreign Relations in July 1966, Kahn explains:
“US policy to date has generally been geared towards the political and economic as well as military integration or unification of Western Europe as a means of European security. Some have seen the agreement as a step towards political unity for the West as a whole, or even the world. So too, achieving a more qualified form of integration or federation of Europe and Europe with America was seen as a desirable goal in itself, especially since national rivalries in Europe were seen as a fundamentally disruptive force in modern history; hence their suppression or their incorporation into a larger political framework is essential to the future stability of the world.”
This statement suggests that the preferred solution for future European-American relations would be the creation of a European Union. For Kahn, the idea of ​​creating a unified American and European superstate was even better.
In 1967, Herman Kahn wrote one of the most important Futurist works of the 20th century: A Framework for Speculation on the Next Thirty-Three Years. In this book, co-authored with Anthony J. Wiener, Khan and co. predicted where we would be technologically by the end of the millennium. But there was another document that was published shortly after Kahn's The Year 2000 and was written at the same time. This document, entitled Ancillary Pilot Study for the Educational Policy Research Program: Final Report, was intended to show how the future society envisioned by Kahn's work in The Year 2000 can be achieved.
In a section titled "Special Educational Needs of Decision-Makers," the paper states: "It should be seriously considered whether it would not be desirable to explicitly train decision-makers so that they are better able to control the fortunes of the nation to plan or to carry out the plans formulated in a more democratic process. One facet of this process would be the creation of a common set of concepts, a common language, common analogies, common references..." The same paragraph goes on to say that "A universal retraining in the spirit of Europe's humanist tradition - at least for its comprehensive leadership group - could be useful in many ways."
In this paper, by studying the rhetoric mentioned above and deciphering what it means, Herman Kahn proposes subverting democracy by training only a specific group in society as potential leaders, with those preselected few who are on the power to be able to define what our shared values ​​as a society should be. Perhaps Herman Kahn would agree with the World Economic Forum's Young Global Leaders program, which is the exact implementation of his original proposal.
In 1968, Herman Kahn was asked by a reporter what they were doing at the Hudson Institute. He replied, “We take God's perspective. The President's View. Big. Out of the air. Global. Galactic. Ethereal. Spatial. A total of. Megalomania is the usual occupational hazard.” After that, Herman Kahn is said to have gotten out of his chair, pointed his finger at the sky and suddenly shouted: 'Megalomania, zoom!'”

In 1970, Kahn traveled to Europe with Galbraith to help Klaus Schwab recruit for the first European Management Symposium. In 1971, Kahn sat center stage to hear John Kenneth Galbraith's keynote speech at the historic first session of the political organization that would later become the World Economic Forum.
In 1972, the Club of Rome published The Limits to Growth, which warned that the needs of the world's population would exceed available resources by the year 2000. Kahn spent much of his last decade arguing against this idea. In 1976, Kahn published a more optimistic view of the future, The Next 200 Years, in which he asserted that the possibilities of capitalism, science, technology, human reason, and self-discipline are limitless. The Next 200 Years also rejected pernicious Malthusian ideology, predicting that the planet's resources would set no limit to economic growth, but that humans would create such societies "everywhere in the solar system and perhaps on the stars."

Schwab's three mentors

Kahn, Kissinger, and Galbraith had become three of America's most influential figures in thermonuclear deterrence, foreign policy formation, and public policy formation, respectively. Throughout her career, the focus has been on Europe and the Cold War. However, their differing roles in other important events of the period can easily distract researchers from other, more subversive and well-hidden events.
These three powerful Americans were all linked in different ways, but an interesting and notable thread connects these men particularly between 1966, when the 22-strong Advisory Board headed by Kissinger was formed to oversee the "shaping of European policy" to support, and in 1971, when the World Economic Forum was founded. All three men were members of the Council on Foreign Relations, the American branch of the Anglo-American imperialist Round Table movement. Kissinger already had close ties to the CFR since
he had been recruited by the latter directly after his studies. Galbraith had reportedly resigned his membership of the CFR "publicly" in 1972, declaring that the CFR was boring and telling a journalist, "Most procedures are so mundane that the only question they raise is whether you should join them.” Although it is not known when Galbraith became a member of the CFR, he had been writing for its publications since July 1958, with his paper "Rival Economic Theories in India" being printed in Foreign Affairs, the official journal of the CFR. Khan also published some of his essays on the CFR, including Our Alternatives in Europe in July 1966 and When Negotiations Fail in July 1968, both while he was an official adviser to the State Department.
Before the 1960s, these three highly influential American intellectuals had studied the problems of post-war Europe and mapped out the war-torn continent's future. Galbraith had traveled extensively in Europe studying, among other things, politics in Germany during the Third Reich and after the collapse of Hitler's Germany Galbraith studied the Soviet systems in a similar way. Galbraith's influence on future President John F. Kennedy cannot be overstated, and Galbraith was so influential that JFK began withdrawing troops from Vietnam on his recommendation. When Kennedy was assassinated in Dallas, Galbraith was the man who would write the new president's first address to the nation, but Galbraith was soon to be sidelined. In the turmoil of the 1960s, Galbraith was close to Henry Kissinger. Both were Harvard professors, members of the CFR, and had the same goal: to make Europe stable so that the continent would be well defended against possible Soviet aggression.
For Galbraith and Kissinger, but also for the American political establishment as a whole, Europe was the greatest threat not only to global stability but also to the prevailing American hegemony in general. The relative stability in Europe during the post-war period was perceived as a result of the thermonuclear stalemate, and Kissinger recognized this dynamic early on and began manipulating the situation in favor of American hegemony. Henry Kissinger was not alone in trying to understand the complex dynamics involved in thermonuclear deterrence and how they affected policy making. Herman Kahn was the leading figure in the field of thermonuclear strategy during the same period and Kissinger's work on the subject from the mid 50's resulted in many encounters with Kahn.
Kahn offered Kissinger something all politicians and decision-makers crave: the ability to predict future events with relative accuracy. Kahn was a true prophet of the technological advances of the not too distant future, and his work, though often stoic and devoid of human emotion, has stood the test of time very well. Kahn and Kissinger's goals overlapped in the mid and late 1960s, and as Kahn's threat assessments during this period became more optimistic, Kissinger saw Kahn's work as fundamental to offering a new future to the people of the world.
However, Henry Kissinger's vision of the future was not that of a free and fair society moving together into a “brave new world”; rather, Kissinger intended to create a picture of the world that had been distorted by his own CFR-influenced establishment view. Though he tried to portray himself as a true statesman, Kissinger continued to subvert not only foreign democratic processes, but also the American system, ultimately to serve a globalist agenda. When Schwab was first nominated by Kissinger as a potential future globalist leader, the relatively young German was soon introduced to Galbraith and Kahn. This coincided with Kahn's work pointing to the need to train those with leadership potential separately from those attending the prevailing standard training models.
The year Klaus Schwab left Harvard, he was approached by Peter Schmidheiny, who had just sold Escher Wyss to the Sulzer Group. Escher Wyss' Ravensberger factory had been run by Schwab's father, Eugen Schwab, during World War II and had helped manufacture heavy water turbines for the Nazi secret atomic bomb tests. In an interview, Schwab talks about the moment when Schmidheiny called him and said: “You come from Harvard now and you know modern management methods. Help make the integration a success”. What Klaus didn't mention in this interview was that he would help Sulzer and Escher Wyss with the merger, resulting in a new company called Sulzer AG. This company, of which Schwab serves as director, would later break international law by assisting the South African apartheid regime in its illegal nuclear bomb program.
Klaus Schwab had just left the sphere of influence of some of the most important experts in the field of thermonuclear warfare, and in the same year that he left Harvard he was assigned to lead the merger of a company dedicated to the dissemination of thermonuclear bomb technology to despotic regimes.
For many of us who don't make doomsday horror scenarios, perhaps the worst thing that could happen is if apartheid South Africa got hold of the atomic bomb at this point in history. But Herman Kahn's thermonuclear disaster scenarios had led the plump genius to believe that barring catastrophe, sabotage, or accident, no major nuclear power would dare launch a thermonuclear weapon as an offensive act for the foreseeable future. In fact, the mindset of the establishment had changed significantly, to the point where Herman Kahn and others suggested making a country like France a nuclear power in certain scenarios could have significant security benefits both regionally and globally, and at the same time help reduce US defense spending.
Thermonuclear war was no longer the be-all and end-all of strategic defense policy, and in the dying 1960s the same people who had stoked fears of a thermonuclear apocalypse actually stopped worrying and came to love the bomb.
Warning: fallible people coming
Is Klaus Schwab the real mind behind the founding of the World Economic Forum? What about the CIA's involvement in the seminar with which Kissinger recruited Schwab? Were the powers that be behind organizations like the CFR the true founders of the globalist political organization? Should the World Economic Forum just unite Europe? Or was it actually meant to unite Europe with America, followed by the rest of the superstates, into a New World Order designed by powerful CFR grandees like Kissinger, Khan and Galbraith?
These three powerful men each saw in Schwab a reflection of their own intellectual desires. Klaus was born in the second half of the same decade in which the technocratic movement began, and he was of the first generation to spend their formative years in a post-war world. Khan's predictions of the future were not only an exercise in human wonder, but also a project to act on those predictions as quickly as possible and regardless of the consequences.

In 1964 Klaus Schwab was faced with the decision of what to do with his career. He was 26 years old and was looking for guidance, which he was to find through a family source. His father, Eugen Schwab, had been on the wrong side of history during World War II and had been involved in the Nazi atomic bomb effort. Eugen Schwab would tell his son that he could only really develop at Harvard. In the divided post-war Germany, the great fear that emanated from the constantly threatening and dramatized danger of a thermonuclear war had become an everyday part of the people's psyche. Harvard was known at the time for having
it played a central role in Cold War politics relating to European affairs and Klaus Schwab would be among the key players on the thermonuclear catastrophe scene.
Schwab has become more than just a technocrat. He has been very explicit about his intention to merge his physical and biological identity with future technology. He has become a living caricature of an evil villain holding secret meetings with the elite high up in the Swiss mountain huts. I don't think the image we have of Schwab is a coincidence. In the post-war years, something unique happened in Western culture when the government began using the mainstream media as a tool to reach the public with military-grade psychological operations. The ruling establishment discovered that it was extremely useful to combine the drama of conflict scenarios with media such as film, in some cases almost tantamount to self-propagating propaganda. Movies like Stanley Kubrick's Dr. Strange were fantastic tools to show people the absurdity of planning for thermonuclear disaster scenarios.
If people perceive you as an all-powerful, mean villain, you may not gain the support of the common man, but you will gain the attention of those who seek power and wealth, or as Klaus Schwab would call it, the appropriate "interest groups". in society. This is very important to understand - the projection of extreme wealth and power will lure and bring society's "stakeholders" to the table of the World Economic Forum. With these "stakeholders" on board, Klaus Schwab's main ideological product, "stakeholder capitalism," will shift power away from genuine democratic processes and towards a system of governance by a small, pre-selected leadership group trained to run by the to continue the agenda set by the previous generation as predicted by Herman Kahn. They will hold all the trump cards, while the common people will only have at their disposal illusory pseudo-democratic processes, poverty and constant absurd psychological operations to constantly distract us all. Klaus Schwab was soon to become everything that Herman Kahn had feared in his most pessimistic forecasts. When the Club of Rome presented the report The Limits to Growth, Herman Kahn refuted its findings and railed against his pessimism, while Klaus Schwab simultaneously placed it at the center of his machinations and made its founder the keynote speaker at his Davos forum.

Our current geopolitical situation appears to be reverting to the East-West dynamic of the Cold War era. Even with recent events in Ukraine, the mainstream media are repeating nuclear arguments identical to those made 60-70 years ago. I think there's a very obvious reason for our return to Cold War rhetoric - it's a very clear sign that Klaus Schwab and his supporters have run out of ideas. They appear to be returning to a geopolitical paradigm in which they feel more secure and which, above all, fuels mass fears of thermonuclear war. This cycle repeats itself whenever an ideological movement runs out of original ideas. Since the late 1960s, Klaus Schwab has been trying to create the world that Herman Kahn predicted. But Kahn's vision of the future - while fairly accurate - is over half a century old. Schwab's technocratic movement depends on the successful development of innovative technologies that bring us closer to a vision that dates largely from 1967. If one studies a more detailed list of Kahn's predictions, one can see that every idea Schwab espouses is based almost entirely on Kahn's "Year 2000," and that he documents a vision of what our future might be like that dates back to the late 60s. What Schwab seems to ignore, however, while forcing this futuristic agenda on us all is that many of Kahn's predictions also came with warnings about the dangers that future technological advances will pose.

At the end of his life, Schwab seems desperate to advance a radical futuristic agenda that has the obvious potential for global catastrophe. I believe that the World Economic Forum has reached its maximum level of expansion before it inevitably collapses. For eventually the people who love their own national identity will resist the immediate threat to their specific cultures and resist the rule of the globalists. Quite simply, you can't turn everyone into a globalist, no matter how much brainwashing is done. There is a natural contradiction between national freedom and globalist domination that makes the two utterly incompatible.

A very pertinent final thought is that Herman Kahn wrote something very significant in the same year that Schwab left Harvard. In the aforementioned 1967 Hudson Institute document entitled Ancillary Pilot Study for the Educational Policy Research Program: Final Report, Khan writes:
“It is becoming increasingly clear that our technological and even our economic achievements come with mixed blessings. Progress creates problems such as the accumulation, proliferation and proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, the loss of privacy and solitude, the increase in state and/or private power over the individual, the loss of human scale and perspective, and the dehumanization of social life or even the psychobiological self; the increase in dangerous, vulnerable, deceptive or degradable centralization of management or technology systems; the creation of other new abilities that are inherently dangerous enough to pose a serious risk of catastrophic misuse; and accelerating changes that are too rapid or catastrophic to allow for successful adaptation. Perhaps most important are decisions that are too large, complex, important, uncertain, or sweeping to be left to fallible humans.”
You can find the original text with sources at:

https://unlimitedhangout.com/2022/03/investigative-reports/dr-klaus-schwab-or-how-the-cfr-taught-me-to- stop-worrying-and-love-the-bomb/
Translation into German mother tongue by: andre. For information, skills acquisition and further training in the private sector. The private distribution for private and non-commercial use is expressly desired. As always and everywhere, the following also applies here:
"Believe nothing, test everything and keep the best" (Freiheitschmied)

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  1. he was also referred to as a Rockefeller slave and is said to have been visibly relieved when the latter died. This created a huge power gap that he and others tried to fill.

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